Ronald Bailey on the Long Island Cancer Cluster

Writing in Reason, Ronald Bailey has a nice look at the so-called Long Island Cancer Cluster and a recent study designed to find out why so many women in and around Long Island have breast cancer. After spending several years and $8 million, the National Cancer Institute study concluded that whatever might be contributing to the cancer cluster, it isn’t exposure to chemicals and pesticides in the Long Island area.

Research into breast cancer in Nassau and Suffolk counties in Long Island found that women there had rates of breast cancer that were roughly 3 percent higher than the rest of the nation. Some breast cancer advocates were convinced that the only possible explanation for the higher rate was due to chemicals in the area.

But a study of blood and urine from 3,000 women in the Long Island area found no evidence for this hypothesis. The study looked at levels of DDT, PCBs, chlordanes and chemicals indicative of cigarette smoking. The bottom line — women exposed to such chemicals were no more likely to develop breast cancer than women not exposed to such chemicals. This result was consistent with other studies such as an almost 33,000 patient study published in the New England Journal of Medicine in 1997 that found no evidence that exposure to DDT or PCB increased the risk of a woman developing breast cancer.

Why would advocates focus on DDT, PCBs, chlordanes and other chemicals? In part because those chemicals have all been found to be carcinogenic in mice, rats and other laboratory animals. Now animal tests are helpful in identifying substances that are potentially harmful to human beings, but they are not the last word. Some substances that are harmful to laboratory animals are perfectly safe in human beings, while some substances that do not harm mice or rats are nonetheless very harmful in human beings. Merely because animal tests indicate that a substance is likely to be carcinogenic does not mean that it actually is in human beings.

But that seems to be the message that some people are taking away from media reports on such research. The New York Times, for example, quotes Geri Barish, president of 1 in 9: The Long Island Breast Cancer Action Coalition, as wondering how, if these chemicals are carcinogenic in animal tests,

How could they absolutely say that a known carcinogen is not absolutely involved in the cause of cancer? . . . I refuse to accept the fact that they didn’t find anything. They didn’t find anything conclusive because in the scientific world it has to be exact.

Barish wants further studies to be done, but Dr. Barbara Hulka, a professor of epidemiology at the University of North Carolina, told The Times that so many studies have already been done looking for a link between DDT, PCBs and breast cancer that there may be nothing more to learn there. Hulka told The Times

I think it is important that these studies have been done. . . [but] There comes a point after so many studies are done that it becomes less productive to continue that line of work.

There have been so many epidemiological studies of DDT and PCBs, for example, that if they really caused or contributed to breast cancer one would think that at some point this would show up clearly in such studies. But in fact, all of the large studies of these chemicals have so far found no statistically significant connection between chemicals and cancer.

Perhaps it is time to recognize that cancer clusters are always going to occur largely because cancer is never going to be evenly distributed throughout a population, and begin taking the millions of dollars that have been devoted to looking at cancer clusters and spending it on more fruitful avenues of research.

Sources:

Looking for the link. Gina Kolata, The New York Times, August 11, 2002.

Cluster bomb. Ronald Bailey, Reason, August 14, 2002.

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Study Finds No Increased Risk of Breast Cancer from the Pill

A study of more than 9,000 U.S. women ranging from 35 to 65 has found no evidence that oral contraceptive use increases the risk of developing breast cancer.

A 1996 study published in the New England Journal of Medicine had claimed that there was indeed such an increased risk, but that was a meta-analysis of 54 different epidemiological studies.

In the current study about 4,500 women with breast cancer and 4,500 without breast cancer were questioned in detail about their use of oral contraceptives, including older contraceptive pills which some researchers have suggested might be more likely to contribute to cancer because of their much larger levels of hormones.

But, in fact, the study found no increased risk of breast cancer for women who had taken such pills.

Source:

Pill does not increase risk of breast cancer. Gaia Vince, NewScientist.Com, June 26, 2002.

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Where’s Dowd’s Enron Follow-up?

Back in February, New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd wrote a column that was widely discussed due to its analysis of the sexual politics of the Enron fiasco. Dowd offered up a warmed-over version of women as moral arbiter for civilization by noting that all of the whistle blowers in the Enron fiasco were women and all of the corrupt executives, of course, were men.

Dowd wrote,

What does this gender schism mean? That men care more about inflating their assets? That women are more caring about colleagues getting shafted?

It is men’s worst fear, personally and professionally, that women will pin the sin on them, come “out of the night like a missile and destroy a man,” as Alan Simpson said during the Hill-Thomas hearings.

. . .

At Enron, it was men who came up with complex scams. And it was women who raised the simple question, “Why?”

So where’s the follow-up? In the intervening months we’ve seen Martha Stewart in all the papers and broadcast news accused of insider trading. A female Colorado firefighter intentionally started a massive forest fire that threatened Denver earlier this summer. And, of course, celebrity publicist Lizzie Grubman got drunk and intentionally backed her car into a crowd of people.

Following Dowd’s usual script, any day now we should being seeing some hackneyed op-ed explaining how these three incidents are not isolated acts related to those individuals, but rather carry some important lesson about men and women which only Dowd can properly distill. I can hardly wait.

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Raising Questions about RAWA

Immediately after the 9/11 attacks, a group called the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) received a lot of media coverage. With its rhetoric about freeing Afghanistan’s women from oppression, its smuggled videotapes of atrocities against women, and the imprimatur of Western feminists, RAWA was the perfect group for the media to contrast with the misogynistic Taliban. But along the way there were some voices of caution about RAWA which culminated in an article earlier this month in The American Prospect which raised some disturbing questions about RAWA.

Wendy McElroy first raised concerns about RAWA back on October 23, 2001 when she questioned what was happening to money that the Feminist Majority Foundation and others were raising and giving to RAWA.

Noting that RAWA had clearly done some very good things, McElroy nonetheless questioned the wisdom of involvement with a group that had appeared to have close ties with Pakistan’s Communist Party. Moreover, the group had almost no accountability with only a P.O. box in Pakistan as an address and the routine use of false names in interviews. McElroy conceded that some secrecy was warranted due to fear of retaliation by the Taliban, but most groups like RAWA at least have some sort of open political structure (even terrorist groups generally have some sort of open, above ground representatives) and urged RAWA to pursue openness.

RAWA did not take that advice. And then on April 20, 2002 a very odd thing happened. As well-chronicled by The American Prospect’s Noy Thrupkaew, on that date Elizabeth Miller, a U.S.-based supporter of RAWA, posted a letter attacking Ms. magazine on a listserv run by RAWA. Ms. had run a special insert on the Feminist Majority Foundation’s Afghanistan campaign which profiled women working at the United Nations and a number of other similar “behind the scenes”-style looks, but failed to mention RAWA. For this, it was attacked as being a “mouthpiece of hegemonic, U.S.-centric, ego driven, corporate feminism.”

The letter also attacked Sima Sama, who was at the time Afghanistan’s interim minister of women’s affairs. Miller claimed that Samar “was a member of the leadership of one of the most notorious fundamentalist factions Hezb-e Wahdat.” As Thrupkaew puts it,

Some probing, however, finds little evidence that Samar has anything to do with Hezb-e Wahdat. Rather, what comes to light is a pattern of RAWA-led smear campaigns against other Afghan women who rise to prominence.

In The American Prospect article, Thrupkaew documents a persistent habit of RAWA attacking Afghan women with absurd charges. In each case the real crime committed by the women is that they have risen to a prominence that RAWA apparently feels threatened by.

The Feminist Majority Foundation comes across as genuinely shocked by RAWA’s reckless charges. FMF’s Jennifer Jackman lamely tells Thrupkaew that FMF did refute the attacks, but did not do so publicly. Which, of course, gives the impression to the casual observer that FMF does not disagree with RAWA’s absurd charge.

Which takes us back to McElroy’s earlier comments on the group’s links to Pakistan’s Communist movement. Because, of course, we have seen RAWA-style tactics before. In fact, reading through the back and forth petty feuds and accusations is like reading some old account of internal conflict at a gathering of Trotskyists.

Thrupkaew notes that RAWA’s behavior has fueled rumors that the group is really controlled by a group of men who are Maoists or Communists, and certainly their behavior is exactly the sort of rigid thinking characterized by such groups.

Either way, the Feminist Majority Foundation should be ashamed of itself for keeping its refutation of RAWA’s attacks “within the family.” It is interesting that the FMF emphasizes the fact that it does not gloss over the Northern Alliance’s failings, but it is apparently more than willing to do so when it comes to the highly questionable actions of an Afghan feminist group. When Eleanor Smeal finally wakes up and realizes there’s something wrong with that sort of double standard, we’ll actually be getting somewhere.

Sources:

What do Afghan women want? Noy Thrupkaew, The American Prospect, August 5, 2002.

Afghan Women’s Group Raises More Questions Than Answers. Wendy McElroy, IFeminists.Com, October 23, 2001.

The Silence Surrounding RAWA. Wendy McElroy, IFeminists.Com, August 20, 2002.

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Elizabeth Morgan Back in the News

Elizabeth Morgan had her 15 minutes of fame in the 1980s when she fled to New Zealand with her daughter rather than allow her husband to have unsupervised visits with the child. Despite her odd behavior, Morgan had numerous supporters in the United States who saw her as a heroine. Morgan was back in the news recently as a witness in an attempted murder case that highlighted her twisted thinking.

The case involved Elsa D. Newman, who was charged with conspiracy to kill her estranged husband in January 2002. Newman attended a speech given by Morgan and struck up an e-mail correspondent with the activist.

Morgan testified that she believed Newman’s story that her husband was abusing her two boys despite having no more information about the situation than what Newman told her.

In fact, Newman’s husband was awarded full custody of both boys after a bizarre incident witnessed by Newman’s attorney, Stephen A. Friedman. Friedman asked a judge to recuse him from being her lawyer after Newman made a threat against the lives of the two boys. At the murder trial, Friedman testified that,

[Newman] gets real calm, tilts her head back and says in this sing-songy voice, ‘You know I don’t have to kill both kids.’

But after a few e-mails, Morgan was convinced that Newman was right and her husband was abusing the two boys. So what advice did Morgan give Newman? In an e-mail she told Newman that she had three choices — go along with the court’s order, defy the court, or “kill” the abuser.

On the stand, Morgan testified,

I told her what I tell everybody when they contact me. You don’t have any good choices. You can say, “I’ve been to court, and I will obey the court and send my child back.” The other thing you can do is defy the court order. That usually means running . . . The third option is to take the law into your own hands and attack the abuser.

Newman took Morgan’s advice. She paid a friend to kill her husband, but he managed to fend off the would-be killer after being shot in the leg. One would hope that at some point, the husband will include Morgan in a civil suit for such outrageous behavior.

Source:

Morgan describes advising Md. defendant. Annie Gowen, Washington Post, August 3, 2002.

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Navy Reverses Itself on Tailhook Pilot

The U.S. Navy this month righted a longstanding wrong when it admitted that Robert Stumpf had been the victim of a politically-motivated witch hunt during the Tailhook scandal.

At the time of the now infamous convention, Stumpf was commander of the Navy’s elite Blue Angels. His crime at the Tailhook convention was that he attended a party which featured several strippers. Although four separate investigations cleared Stumpf of any wrongdoing at Tailhook, in the hysteria over the scandal Stumpf’s previously approved promotion to captain was withdrawn. Seeing the writing on the wall, Stumpf left the military and is currently a pilot for Federal Express.

The Assistant Navy Secretary found that the denial of the promotion was the result of an “injustice” and approved the promotion, including 7 years of back pay.

Sources:

The Tailhook Hangover. The New York Post, August 6, 2002.

The Old Navy / New Navy. Frontline, PBS.Org.

Time to right a wrong. Mike O’Callaghan, The Las Vegas Sun, August 2, 2002.

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